According to Jimmy Griffin, one of his objectives in running for county executive is to prove that “money’s not the most important factor in running for office.” Griffin apparently forgot to inform his Democratic opponents, Paul Clark and James Keane, of that fact. At this point, with just under a week left before the Democratic primary on Tuesday, September 18, Keane has raised a whopping $923,000 and Clark has accumulated $682,000. (Griffin has raised just $11,000.) But this is, after all, an important race. With Republican candidates currently out of favor on every level of government, and Democrats far outnumbering Republicans in Erie County, there’s a good chance that whoever wins this primary will go on to win the general election in November.

Despite the opportunity presented by, and the money involved in, this race, the candidates have run surprisingly simple—some would argue childish—campaigns. Keane and Clark have dedicated their time and money to creating two-dimensional caricatures of one another. It’s an old political trick that counts on effective doublespeak and an undereducated citizenry. For instance, Keane’s camp has labeled Clark a “Giambracrat,” because he endorsed Giambra in his 2003 re-election bid (as did many of Giambra’s current detractors). That way, every attack Keane directs at Giambra becomes an attack on Clark, as well as a promise that a Clark administration will be a retread of Giambra’s. Clark has attacked Keane’s nepotism, while hiring his brother-in-law as West Seneca’s dog catcher—the “highest paid in the state,” some say—and appointing his accounting partner comptroller. He’s held political office longer than Keane, to whom he refers as a “career politician.”

All this is meant to fool voters, while drawing away from meaningful policy debate. And really, all of the doublespeak and lobbed accusations, despite Keane’s and Clark’s best efforts, have only stood to show how similar these two candidates really are. To wit: Both Clark and Keane are advocating the following policies and plans: 1) restoring the bed tax to cultural tourism, 2) dedicating a portion of the sales tax to funding cultural institutions, 3) combining city and county services such as water and sewer 4) implementing a performance-based budgeting system similar to Buffalo’s CitiStat. They also focus on the universal goals of job creation and doing away with patronage hiring. The main issue where they seem to differ is how they plan to create jobs and fix the county’s finances.

Well, anyway, it’s only the Democratic primary, and nobody votes in the primaries. Both Keane and Clark have already secured minor party endorsements and will go on to the general election to face Republican Chris Collins regardless of Tuesday’s outcome. Wait’ll you see how much money they raise for that election…

With no further ado, we present to you a quick sketch of your Democratic candidates, in alphabetical order:

PAULCLARK

Paul Clark is the fresh face in this race, or at least that’s how he paints himself. While he hasn’t been so involved in city and county politics as Griffin and Keane, he has been an elected official—West Seneca town supervisor—for 16 years. At 55, Clark’s been a certified public accountant for 33 years, a fact he mentions loudly and often. After all, he figures, who better to right Erie County’s fiscal mess than a man whose career has been devoted to sorting out finances?

Another achievement that’s sure to be a boon for Clark’s campaign in the city is his establishment of the local Americorps program 15 years ago in West Seneca. According to Clark, that program has brought over $40 million in federal money into Western New York and graduated more than 4,000 volunteers, each of whom received vouchers to help pay for college. He estimates that those vouchers have brought in $15 million to local colleges and universities. Many of Americorps’ local projects are located on the East Side (including work on the King Urban Life Center and the Michigan Street Baptist Church), a fact that has drawn criticism from Clark’s suburban constituents.

Education: Canisius HS, Canisius College (B.S. Accounting, ’73)

Military service: None

Religion: Roman Catholic

Résumé at a glance: Certified public accountant with Touche Ross & Co. (1973-1976); owned CPA business since 1976; added partner in 1981, renamed Clark & Koller CPAs; WS comptroller (1988-92); WS town supervisor (1992-present)

Favorite refrains: “That’s what differentiates me from my opponent.” “I’ve been a CPA for 30 years.” “I brought Americorps here.”

Why he says he’s running: “I’m fed up with the way the leaders in this area have not done the job.” Clark believes he has the right résumé—his 33 years as CPA—for the job and says that, unlike his opponents, he has no private agenda. Number one on his itinerary is job creation and economic development.

Biggest contributors (of 862 contributions): Roger Peck, Jr. (President, Crown Energy) and his company—$43,000; John Cullen (Founder, Multisorb Technologies, Inc.)—$16,000; Samuel Savarino (President, Savarino Construction)—$12,500, Timothy Clark (brother, Chairman of WS Democrats)—$11,330

Five specific plans: 1. Ethics reform—following a seven-step program that includes ending “pay to play” deals between public servants and lobbyists, requiring full personal finance disclosure of elected officials, ending nepotism and the passage of comprehensive ethics reform laws; 2. Prepare a new four-year financial plan and submit it to the control board; 3. Create six new industrial parks in Erie County in the same vein as his North America Center, two of which will be in Buffalo; 4. Buffalo Quick Connect—an ambitious plan to turn Buffalo/Erie County into a railroad transportation hub, distributing containers from Asia (via Vancouver) to the Northeastern United States. The plan, which utilizes Buffalo’s central NE location and the four major railroads that converge here (CSX, NS, CN and CP), would hypothetically be cheaper and more environmentally friendly than current distribution modes, reduce truck traffic on the QEW, create jobs in Buffalo and stimulate the local economy. 5. Dedicate county hotel bed tax to the Buffalo Niagara Convention & Visitors Bureau to promote the region. “We spend one-eighth of what the City of Rochester does on tourism.”

Will the county look to merge services with the city? “I’d like to look at the non-high-profile areas that are more routine, such as water and sewer, for example.”

How should ECMC and Kaleida respond to the report by the Berger Commission? “It’s obvious that they need to work together,” Clark says. He has a “major problem” with the Berger report, specifically the closing of St. Joseph’s Hospital. “A lot of that study, I still don’t think is well supported by facts and documentation.”

How, specifically, would he bring fiscal stability to the county? Peformance-based budgeting, e.g. a CitiStat-like computerized government accountability system. Oh yeah—did we mention that Clark’s a CPA? Because, again, he did.

What’s his reaction to the comptroller’s recent report on sales tax sharing? The city deserves a “healthy percentage” of sales tax income. “As far as the sharing of the county sales tax, I think it’d be a good idea, but we can’t do it until we reorganize the county finances.”

His opinion on the state’s offer to take over the county’s Medicaid bill in exchange for 1.4 percent of sales tax revenue into the foreseeable future? “There’s no question that the imposition of higher Medicaid costs from the state wihout any additional state help has literally driven property taxes through the roof here.” Still, the sales tax is one of the few items of revenue that has the potential for “real” growth. “I hesitate to give up that future revenue, to be honest. I’d rather see the state more active in capping Medicaid costs.”

Is regionalism dead? Clark wouldn’t call it regionalism, but would refer to it as a “government for the 21st century.” He believes there’s currently too much duplication in government and would like to pursue consolidation of school districts and common purchasing, for instance.

JIMMYGRIFFIN

At 78, some would say that Jimmy Griffin’s days in public office are through, that he doesn’t have the bankroll or political support he needs to rise to the top again. Among those who seem to be saying that are Clark and Keane, who for the most part have ignored Griffin throughout the race. But despite his meager campaign funds, Griffin’s classic tough-love, cut-the-bullshit style of government has endeared many folks to him, and several polls have put him firmly ahead in the race, or at the very least, in the running.

With more than 30 years in public office, Griffin has by far the most experience. But, as such, he’s become a symbol for the status quo, part of the system that got us into this trouble in the first place. When he talks about his future as county executive, Griffin often slips into stories of his past as mayor, and more than once he had what might be described as Freudian slips—referring to policies that will help Buffalo before recalling that he’s now running for county office, and adding “Western New York and Erie County” to his answer. He’s the dark horse in this primary, to be sure, but he’s quick to point out that he’s won nearly all of his offices independently, without party support.

Education: Our Lady of Victory HS, Erie County Technical School (A.D. Metallurgy, ’58)

Military Service: First lieutenant and combat platoon leader, 82nd Airborne, Korean War

Religion: Roman Catholic

Résumé at a Glance: Grain miller, railroad engineer, Ellicott District Councilman (1962-65), State Senator (1967-77), Mayor (1978-93), South District Councilman (2004-05)

Favorite refrain: “Let me tell you a story. When I was mayor…”

Why he says he’s running: Two reasons. One—remind the public of just what happened during his 16 years as mayor. “It seems that people don’t want to remember the advances we made in those years on the waterfront, downtown and in the neighborhoods.” Two—show people that money’s not the most important factor in running for office.

Biggest contributors (of 62 contributions): Ralph Degenhart (former Police Commissioner)—$500; John Hughes—$500

Five specific plans (and a few non-specific ones): 1. Government accessibility. “When anybody calls, they get a call back and an honest answer.” 2. Share one percent of the sales tax with the rest of the municipalities within Erie County. 3. Consolidate the Health and Social Services departments, vis-á-vis Nassau County under the leadership of Charles Suozzi, “if it fits for Buffalo…and Western New York and Erie County.” 4. Audit all departments, particularly the water board (“There are all kinds of problems with the Erie County Water Authority”). 5. Make sure beaches and parks are open. 6. Make sure that roads and bridges are in “the best shape.” 7. Have an economic development team that’s “second to none.”

Will the county look to merge services with the city? “Cooperation, not consolidation” is Griffin’s mantra. He won’t commit to broadly merging services, but is willing to take proposals on a case-by-case basis. As councilman, he supported the county’s recent proposal to buy the city’s water system. He’s interested in combining sewer operations and merging all of the local IDAs into one. “Just think of the payroll!”

How should ECMC and Kaleida respond to the report by the Berger Commission? Griffin thinks ECMC is doing a great job, and the local community needs that hospital. If the two merge, okay. But it has to be a move that, besides being good for the medical profession, is good for the community.

Should the county dedicate a portion of its property tax to funding cultural organizations? No. Griffin wants control of the money, to know where it’s going and to what end. “Let them come in every year like everybody else, and explain just what the money’s needed for and why they can’t get it somewhere else. Just sit down and talk to us, just give us a reason for it. Most of the time they get it anyway. But I don’t want to give anybody a blank check.”

His opinion on the state’s offer to take over the county’s Medicaid bill in exchange for 1.4 percent of sales tax revenue into the foreseeable future? “I’d have to look at that, and negotiate.”

How would he reform hiring practices to do away with patronage? “There’s always going to be patronage, no matter what anybody says. To me, patronage is a pig in a can, really. It’s not always what it’s cracked up to be, but when there’s a position there that you can give to somebody and help them out, and they help you out, that’s what patronage is all about. If you want to be re-elected, and you won’t find anybody who doesn’t, then you have to build a team, and that means a political team, too. I don’t see anything wrong with that.” Griffin does believe, however, that certain, exceptional instances—ike Joel Giambra’s $90,000 driver—deserve to be exposed for what they are.

Does he think his quitting the Common Council in 2005 will affect this race? Griffin talks about some of the things that he was able to do as South District Councilman—getting the special police written back into the city charter and setting aside $1.2 million in block grant funds specifically to benefit the residents of Hickory Woods (which hasn’t been used yet). “As mayor, you pick up the phone and you get it done. As councilman, you might get it done. Nine times out of 10, you won’t get it done. Once you’re the top guy, once you’re the boss, it’s tough going back to that position of city councilman, because you know you could do it if you were up there. But you’re frustrated because there are eight others with you who have to vote on it, and then you have a mayor up there who doesn’t know his ass from a whole in the ground. He doesn’t care if it works or not. I ended up being frustrated, and that was it.”

JAMESKEANE

James Keane is a political heavyweight, despite having won election to only one office (South District Councilman), which he then held for five terms. He lost a congressional race against long-time incumbent Jack Kemp in 1986, as well as the county executive race against Dennis Gorski the following year. But he soldiered on, becoming close with Gorski and serving as his Commissioner of Emergency Services and later as his second-in-command. He’s since maintained close ties with important Democrats, running Hillary Clinton’s Buffalo office and running Brian Higgins’ 2004 congressional campaign.

Keane, 66, is still a force to be reckoned with. He has the endorsement of every locally important Democrat, as well as the local unions. As such, he has a virtually unlimited bank account and an army of foot soldiers working on his campaign’s behalf. Keane stresses, above all else, his record with the Gorski administration, and likes to contrast it with the Giambra administration. He does it so often, in fact, that one could easily believe he’s running against Giambra.

Education: Canisius HS, Canisius College (B.A. English, ’73)

Military Service: Air Force, served at a radar station in Thailand during Vietnam

Religion: Roman Catholic

Résumé at a Glance: Buffalo firefighter (1973-77), South District Councilman (1977-87), EC Commissioner of Emergency Services (1988-93), EC Deputy Executive (1993-99), WNY director for Sen. Hillary Clinton (2001-04), Brian Higgins’ campaign manager (2004)

Favorite refrains: “We did it in the Gorski administration.” “Joel Giambra is a horrible, horrible leader.”

Why he says he’s running: “I can make a difference, because I love this community with every fiber in my body.” Employing similar policies as the Gorski/Keane administration (formerly known simply as the “Gorski administration”), minus the tax raises, Keane hopes to turn Erie County around fiscally while creating jobs and improving services.

Biggest contributors (of 2,778 contributions): Hiscock & Barclay LLP (law firm specializing in public finance, specifically bond counsel)—$25,000; Jerry Weiss (of Hiscock & Barclay, advises Erie County IDA)—$25,000; Erie County Democratic Committee—$15,000; Geoff Maze—$15,000

Five specific plans: 1. Invest more into the Buffalo-Niagara Medical Campus in order to stimulate “futuristic” job creation, and to make sure that the intellectual properties from local research are also manufactured locally. 2. Work towards getting the new Peace Bridge built by “putting the prestige and authority of the county executive’s office behind (the effort).” 3. “Deeply involve” the county in waterfront development. 4. Restore the county hotel bed tax to promoting cultural tourism. 5. Create a county-wide demolition fund to help the city with its 10,000 vacant structures, as well as to address the increasing number of vacant buildings in the suburbs (Cheektowaga, for instance, has nearly 800 empty houses).

Will the county look to merge services with the city? “Yes, but we need to take a bottom-up approach. We need to gain the suburbs’ confidence, not shove it down their throats.” Keane believes that any mergers must result in savings and efficiencies, he’s not interested in window dressing. “I would start with the innocuous services like water and sewer.” He also mentioned combining the parks later on.

How should ECMC and Kaleida respond to the report by the Berger Commission? “Keep negotiating. I don’t think they need any outside interference,” Keane says, referring to the Berger Commission. We can’t lose either of the hospitals, he says. “Kaleida represents 65 percent of our healthcare system…ECMC is too important to that neighborhood.” Another concern he has with the Berger Commission is the number of emergency rooms it proposes to close, including St. Joseph’s and Gates Circle. He said local ERs are already understaffed, and if those ones close, 65,000 emergency calls will go unanswered.

How, specifically, would he bring fiscal stability to the county? 1. Don’t raise taxes; 2. ErieSmart, which is the same performance-based budgeting program that Clark mentions. It is similar to CitiStat, should cost ~$200,000 to launch and ~$100,000 annually to run it, but Keane believes it will identify millions in cost savings; 3. Reduce the county’s annual debt service to Gorski-era levels, and establish a “pay-as-you-go” fund to pay for capital projects debt-free; 4. Identify innovative money saving ideas that can be tested through governor-approved demonstration projects, like individualized (rather than standard) job training within Social Services. He cites the Medicaid Managed Care system that the Gorski administration created, and which is now a proven money saver that’s been adopted by “every county in the state.”

Should the county dedicate a portion of its property tax to funding cultural organizations? “I’m for it.” (Keane’s shortest answer, by far.)

His opinion on the state’s offer to take over the county’s Medicaid bill in exchange for 1.4 percent of sales tax revenue into the foreseeable future? Keane thinks it’s a “close call,” but he initially leans toward letting the state take over the Medicaid costs if it will “keep New York State out of the county’s hair.”

How would he reform hiring practices to do away with patronage? “I’ve never created a patronage job…ever.” He goes on to say that he’ll simply hire dedicated, qualified people. “I’m not going to commit to national searches, though. I think we’ve got talent right here in Western New York. It’ll be merit-based, credential-based and I’ll hold them accountable. Also, I want them to share my working class values.”

Regarding his Common Council record, which has been labeled “anti-African American”: Keane says the Common Council tried to enact a Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday by passing a resolution telling the mayor to give everybody the day off, a resolution that is completely unenforcable by law. That’s why he voted against it, and instead went to the unions with James Pitts, George Arthur and David Collins to negotiate the holiday, the only legal way to create it. They merged Lincoln and Washington’s birthdays into Presidents’ Day, and created the MLK holiday. He further says that he supported George Arthur for mayor, a claim that Arthur himself agrees with. He says he only voted against James Pitts for majority leader once, and voted for him every other time. “You can look at a record of 10,000 votes and take one or two of them and make somebody look like something they’re not. That’s what they’re doing here.”